By Charles K. Armstrong
The US–North Korea summit in Singapore is about much more than North
Korean denuclearisation. The meeting between US President Donald Trump
and North Korean leader Kim Jong-un offers an historic opportunity to
begin restructuring the security environment in Northeast Asia and end
the state of conflict between the United States and North Korea that has
persisted for nearly seventy years.
The North Korean nuclear crisis as we know it began in the early
1990s, shortly after the collapse of the Soviet Union and the end of the
Cold War, when the United States first accused North Korea of diverting
nuclear fuel into weapons production. But nuclear confrontation on the
Korean Peninsula has a much longer history, going back to the 1950s when
the United States considered using the atomic bomb on North Korea
during the Korean War and stationed tactical nuclear weapons in the
South in 1958. North Korea, especially under Kim Jong-un, has pursued
nuclear weapons as a means to deter the United States, which it sees as
an existential threat in this prolonged and asymmetrical state of
confrontation.
One reason the nuclear issue remains unresolved is that US policy
since the 1990s has tended to separate the North Korean nuclear issue
from the Korean War confrontation system that gave rise to it. But North
Korea’s nuclear ambitions are the consequence, not the cause, of
confrontation on the Korean Peninsula. The Koreans, in the North and in
the South, understand that, and the inter-Korean ‘Panmunjom Declaration’
of 27 April focusses not on denuclearisation (although that is one of
the stated goals) but on the two Koreas’ ‘firm commitment to bring a
swift end to the Cold War relic of longstanding division and
confrontation’, transforming the ‘unnatural state of armistice’ into a
’robust peace regime’.
Some prominent Americans have gradually begun to see it this way as well. James Clapper, the former US director of national intelligence, acknowledged in The New York Times
that asking North Korea to give up its nuclear weapons as a
precondition for better relations with the United States — the
longstanding policy of several US administrations — is a ‘dead end’.
Clapper recognises the security concerns of the North: ‘If we can figure
out a way to lead North Korea’s leaders to a place where they don’t
feel so threatened, we could move away from the cusp of a cataclysmic
war. All of this would benefit us, whether we eliminated their nuclear
capacity or not’.
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Charles K. Armstrong
is the Korea Foundation professor of Korean Studies at Columbia
University. He is the former director of Columbia’s Center for Korean
Research and former Acting Director of the Weatherhead East Asian
Institute. He is the author, editor or co-editor of five books,
including most recently “Tyranny of the Weak: North Korea and the World,
1950-1992” and “The Koreas.”
Source: EastAsiaForum
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