Wednesday, March 30, 2011

White House Briefs (2nd Installment)

PRESS BRIEFING

BY PRESS SECRETARY JAY CARNEY,

SECRETARY OF ENERGY STEVEN CHU,

AND DEPUTY ASSISTANT TO THE PRESIDENT FOR

ENERGY AND CLIMATE CHANGE HEATHER ZICHAL

James S. Brady Press Briefing Room

1:27 P.M. EDT

MR. CARNEY: Good afternoon, ladies and gentlemen. Today I have with me two special guests, here to discuss the President’s speech earlier today on America’s energy security. I have Secretary of Energy Steven Chu; I also have Heather Zichal, who is the Deputy Assistant to the President for Energy and Climate Policy.

Secretary Chu will open with a short statement, and then the two of them can take questions from you. And why don't we address the questions that you have for them at the top, we can let them go, and I'll remain to take questions on other issues after they leave. Thanks very much. And I'll call on people once they start.

SECRETARY CHU: Thank you and good afternoon. This morning we heard the President talk about a bold, but ambitious and achievable goal to reduce our oil imports by a third by 2025. And this is a goal, although ambitious, I believe is achievable. So instead of spending a billion dollars a day to import foreign oil, this is a goal where we believe we can be investing in money and creating wealth in the United States.

To achieve this goal will require two things. It’s going to require increasing domestic production. It will also require decreasing our dependence on oil. And so, for that, let me at least tell you some of the things the administration has been doing over the past two years.

We've established an historic fuel economy standard for model years 2012-2016 for light-duty trucks and cars. And that's expected to save $1.8 billion of oil per year -- barrels of oil per year.

We've made great strides in electric vehicles. In 2009, the United States produced less than 2 percent of the world’s advanced batteries, but with the investments made, we expect that we'll have battery capacity of producing up to 500,000 batteries per year. This could be 40 percent of the advanced battery world market.

We've also made great strides in battery research. A lot of the battery technology -- the latest chargeable battery technology that is now being invented in the United States is being built in the United States, and there’s going to be a huge market for these batteries.

We've made great strides in biofuels. Research being done only one or two years ago are now being designed in power plants today, and we expect this to continue. We also expect to be announcing groundbreaking plants for commercial scale -- cellulosic and advanced biorefinery plants -- in the next two years. And we've also assembled teams -- for example, at Cal Tech, there’s an energy team, a hub that would create biofuels directly from sunlight. And this is an economic way of just bypassing plants or algae or other forms of energy. So these are things that we have been doing.

Natural gas. As you all know, natural gas is -- a growing amount of natural gas, the reserves, because of the ability to frack shale rock, has been increasing. We believe that it is possible to safely and responsibly extract natural gas, and the U.S. government remains committed to that.

Electricity, the President has spoken before about electricity. Today we have roughly 40 percent of our electricity is in clean energy, if you consider the nuclear, the wind, the solar -- natural gas counting half credit.

We’ve set as a goal, the President has announced in his State of the Union, by 2035 that we would expect 80 percent of our energy to come from clean sources. This is very important because what this goal means is it unleashes a lot of the capital sitting on the sidelines for the lack of certainty that could be invested in America to create jobs, to create these new clean energies.

So these are many of the things that we’re doing today. But as I said, the bottom line message is that we feel the pain that all Americans feel on the price of gasoline today. We see what it will lead to -- as the President stressed, it’s not a short-term fix. We are going to be increasing the production of oil in the United States, but there is a global plan put forward that would say this will require a concentrated effort for years to come, but ultimately, what this is about is diversifying our supply of energy from oil into many other different sectors, and with that we can have the means to go forward.

And with that I’ll turn it over to Heather.

MR. CARNEY: I’ll go ahead and -- questions? Jim -- or Jake?

Q I'd defer to my colleague.

Q Mr. Secretary, one of the things that Republicans have seized on are comments that the President made when he was in Brasilia that the U.S. intended to become a major customer of Brazil’s oil resources. And I’m wondering, given that comment and what his intentions are to reduce reliance by a third, how do you square those two?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, I think, first of all, the President was, in large part, talking about partnering with Brazil in the development of their oil resources. American companies have a lot of technical expertise in drilling oil, especially deepwater oil. And so I think part of it is that this allows American companies to partner with Brazil so they can develop those resources.

But it is by no means in contradiction to decreasing our reliance on foreign oil, because we also want to increase the production of domestic oil sources, both offshore and onshore. And so this is in no way contradictory to that.

MR. CARNEY: Jake.

Q Secretary Chu, do you think that the American people need to change their behavior at all in order to reduce our dependence on foreign oil, or is this really just something that’s going to happen for us magically?

SECRETARY CHU: I think, given the statements over the last many, many decades, this is something that requires a concerted effort both in policy but I think in terms of the behavior. I mean, the price -- the oil shock that occurred in 2008 is something -- and now we’re beginning to live this again -- through this again in 2011.

And I think what we want to do is to take stock of what’s been happening since that time and say, look, let’s look for a long-term path on what we need to do. And again, go back to this -- increased efficiency in your personal vehicles; it means electrification, in many cases. Batteries we think -- if you asked me two years ago, could I say that there would be a mass-marketed car within the next five years where you can drive 300 miles in a car that, let’s say, you can buy without spending less than $30,000, I’d say I’m not so sure. Today, I think it’s really within grasp. I really feel that one can do this. And there are many, many companies and countries that recognize that within a short period of time, these batteries and these vehicles will become a reality.

Q So beyond more fuel-efficient vehicles, though, purchasing those, you don’t think there’s anything the American people need to do in terms of changing our behavior?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, I think people will automatically have to adjust. I mean, the terrible thing about the high oil prices is it comes right out of your pocketbook every week. And this is something that the administration feels very deeply and we recognize that. And that automatically does things. But in the meantime, what we want to do is say we have a plan going forward to actually give America the real long-term solutions. So it’s electric vehicles, it’s biofuels, it’s efficiency; natural gas can be a player in the transportation sector as well.

Q Is there ever any consideration given to trying to change the American -- Americans’ behavior by raising taxes on fuel? I know that’s a forbidden thing, but it seems to be the model in much of the rest of the world, and even some states do it more than others.

SECRETARY CHU: Well, I think right now, I think the President’s plan was outlined and we’re going to stick to that plan. I think it’s a solid plan going forward in the future.

Q Mr. Secretary, when you took this job, did you expect that you’d be overseeing a policy that was based on so much additional drilling, given what was released today, which seems to be a lot different than let’s say the rhetoric that we heard even during the campaign and when you signed on?

SECRETARY CHU: No, I think the President has said many times that drilling -- development of the fossil fuel resources in the United States, as long as it’s part of a comprehensive plan, was part of the package. And I think that’s -- we still remain committed to that, the President remains committed to that vision.

MR. CARNEY: Chip.

Q The President said there are no quick fixes, and you’ve said that, too. But just so the American people understand this, is there anything in this whole spectrum of things that the administration is working on that would actually bring down the price of gas, or restrain the rise of the price of gas in the next year? And if not, when is the soonest any of these would have an effect on the price of gas?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, it’s very hard to predict what anything that could predict how -- the short-term price of gasoline, the short-term price of oil, how it would affect it.

Certainly if one says America is committed to further exploration, further drilling of gasoline, oil in the United States, that might have some effect, but it’s very hard to really predict what’s going on there. I think what you want to do is show that we have a plan going forward that diversifies the energy supply in transportation and give them that plan that diversifies that, so Americans have a choice. They can plug in their car to drive. They can use biofuels to drive. They can use more efficient cars, as well as oil and gas, which will be around for decades. When you have those choices, you’re no longer subject to a single source, and that actually has a very calming factor in oil markets.

MR. CARNEY: Wendell.

Q Mr. Secretary, how can you convince Americans that Republicans are wrong when some of them say the President is actually cheering on $4-a-gallon gasoline because it adds to the pressure to implement these clean energy policies?

SECRETARY CHU: I don't think anyone really would say -- look, the price of gas and oil today is so high that it’s creating such hardship to the American public and to businesses, and the recovery is fragile. And so I don't think anyone seriously can consider that anyone in public office, especially the President, would consider cheering on. We want to give Americans solutions -- solutions that will work, begin to work today, but continue to work so that two years from today if something like this should happen again, we’re not surprised. We’ll be in a better position to absorb that given that we’ll have a diversity of choices.

Q But it’s still half what they're paying in Europe.

SECRETARY CHU: I think that may be so, but again, we’ve seen -- Americans are now flocking to automobiles with much higher gas mileage, and they're voting with their feet. And as we develop better and better, more fuel-efficient cars, plug-in hybrids, other hybrids, more efficient internal combustion cars -- the Americans will vote with their feet. They see in the long term what might be happening. And I think that’s -- Americans will make the right choice.

Q Mr. Secretary, the President talked about incentives for gas and oil leases. What precisely are the incentives, and when will they come into effect?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, he spoke of spurring on gas and oil leases. I don’t know what the exact fraction is, but maybe Heather can -- but right now, there’s roughly 50 or over 50 percent of the leases that are now given out are not being explored -- maybe 70 percent of the offshore leases.

MS. ZICHAL: Through a Department of Interior report that was issues yesterday, what we learned is, for offshore leases about 70 percent, and about 50 percent onshore leases remain idle. And what we’re focused on to address that domestic production component that the President spoke today about being so important is finding new incentives to develop those idle leases.

Q What are they?

MS. ZICHAL: And so -- one of the options that the Department of Interior is exploring is looking at the terms of the lease sales, so that when a company is going out proactively and developing aggressively on their leases, there are additional opportunities we have to extend those lease sales -- so more of a carrot approach.

Q And when will it take effect? When will you decide?

MS. ZICHAL: Well, on some instances for offshore leases, we’re already implementing those. We’re working with Congress to -- we need legislation in order to do that for onshore leases. Obviously, this is part of a broad array of initiatives that the President talked about today and part of what we think is an important component of a bipartisan bill and energy policy.

Q So there’s really no date then?

MS. ZICHAL: Well, I think we’re doing the offshore component and we’re working with Congress on the onshore component.

Q Have you extended any offshore -- you said, I guess one of the incentives is extending the leases?

MS. ZICHAL: Correct. For companies that are doing due diligence to develop the leases that they currently have -- and again, this is all through the lens of, we want to make sure that when we’re going out there and companies have access to significant amounts of oil and gas -- which the Department of Interior report pointed to yesterday -- that those resources are being developed in a timely manner. And for offshore leases, there are already some measures that we have taken to make sure that that’s happening, to bring those oil and gas resources to the American people.

Q Nuclear power, Mr. Secretary, which the President talked about again today as being a required component; you’ve talked about that. Three weeks after what happened in Japan, are you convinced that TEPCO has that situation under control? And looking at the lessons for America, are you convinced that investors in America will ever look on nuclear as safe enough to build new plants?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, first, let me talk about the American nuclear reactors. We believe they are safe. The President has ordered the Nuclear Regulatory Agency to go back and be doubly sure -- that INPO, a very strong safety group, industry group in the United States, is looking and seeing what we can do. Within the Department of Energy, we’re also adding to that.

So this terrible tragedy that happened in Japan -- one of the -- the fourth-largest earthquake in recorded history, one of the largest tsunamis, I’m sure, in recorded history -- will teach us some lessons and we will use those lessons going forward to make the current fleet of nuclear reactors safer, and we will also use those lessons to make any future reactors far safer.

And so we do this all the time whenever there’s an accident like this, whether it be an airplane, an oil rig fire, anything. We go back, we learn lessons, and we push forward and say, okay, we’re going to make it much safer.

With regard to TEPCO, I think that this is a very trying circumstance where we stand by and we’re working very hard with them in any way we can to lend assistance or technical advice. We’re not there on the ground, but we do have conversations with them -- both the NRC, the Department of Energy and others -- daily. And we are working very hard with them to mitigate any future potential risks as best we can. And so I can’t really be sure of anything since I’m here and they’re there. But, again, with regard to American reactors, we believe they are safe and as a result of this tragedy they’re going to be safer.

Q Can I follow up, Jay, on that?

MR. CARNEY: Let me get to April.

Q Secretary Chu, two issues. One, you’re talking about you feel Americans’ pain when they go to the pump. But at the same time, while you’re feeling this pain and you’re watching the pocketbook, what mechanisms are in place right now to make manufacturers not gouge a consumer when they go to buy that electric vehicle, when they go to buy that biofuel vehicle? Because at this point, those cars are much more expensive than the average-price car. So what mechanisms are in place?

SECRETARY CHU: Correct me to -- you’re talking about the gouging of highly fuel-efficient cars, for example?

Q I’m talking about hybrid cars, yes. All -- those cars that help you ride better with gas and keep your mileage low, your gas mileage low.

MS. ZICHAL: Well, I think there’s a couple of things. First and foremost, through strategic investments in both the Recovery Act and the budget, the President has made significant investments in the research and development for these new advanced technologies that we will bring cleaner, more efficient cars and trucks to American families.

And those technologies -- we’re working every day -- Secretary Chu can talk to you about what we’re doing to help bring the prices down for these technologies and what we’re doing as an administration across the board to look not only at cars and trucks, but biofuels, again, as a solution to bringing prices down.

SECRETARY CHU: But the answer to the specific question -- look, the allegations that price gouging among dealers or the allegations of price gouging at gasoline stations I think come up every now and then and we’re not really -- I personally am not really sure to the extent it’s happening. But in the end, this is very quickly self-correcting.

And let me do back to what’s been happening. In the last couple of years, in the last two years, the American car companies are bouncing back. They are offering much more fuel-efficient cars. The Americans are recognizing that those are the cars to buy. The administration has been incredibly supportive and pushing into this direction. And so when you have that growing and that supply growing, that will naturally take care of itself.

Q My second question -- following up on what Mark was asking about the risk of new -- of creating new nuclear facilities in this country. With the new -- since we’ve seen what’s happening in Japan, are there any concerns about any new buildings, any new construction for nuclear facilities that they are not located in populated areas? Is that a concern, as well, for this country?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, I think what has happened in the past is -- what the public doesn’t fully appreciate is many of these reactors were built, let’s say, 40, 45 years ago in places which were not so populated, and the population kind of grew up around them. And so as we go forward and site places, that will always be a consideration.

But let me also say that the newer reactors -- first, going back -- if you look at the current fleet of reactors, they are constantly being upgraded. A team of scientists and I toured one of them because it was a Mark I GE, that was a sister reactor to the one in Japan, and since they’ve been decommissioned many years, we actually can walk inside and get a feel for what was going on so that we could actually help and get a better firsthand experience about what might be possible.

Even when we were touring this decommissioned reactor, we got a good flavor for the constant upgrade of safety during the lifetime of that reactor. This will continue in all our current reactors, but in addition to that, the newer reactors that are now on the drawing boards and are being built are going to be far safer than the ones built 40 years ago. And so you -- it’s just like today’s automobiles and today’s airplanes are safer.

Q Secretary Chu, while you’re here -- I know you’re not on the ground in Japan, but you testified on the issue a couple weeks ago. Could you give us your assessment of the current situation in Japan with the reactors, what you think is going to happen in the coming days?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, I think the most crucial thing -- first, there are three direct reactors under distress, and we’re also worried about spent fuels in four -- spent fuels, especially the most recent one that has the hottest fuel. And so the first order of business -- and this appears to be at least now under control -- is that you keep the water in the spent fuel ponds and you keep cooling the reactors.

There has been damage, we know, in the cores of three reactors, significant damage. And we’re monitoring that situation. We’re also worried about how to keep them cool and then, in the longer term, how do you get the salt water out of those reactors and resupply them with fresh water so that you can minimize any adverse effects --for example, corrosion.

So these are the things that we’re focusing on here in the United States -- is how do you go into a long-term stable position where you can keep cooling the reactors and make sure the spent fuel ponds remain covered with water.

MR. CARNEY: Let’s just get two more for our visitors. Ann.

Q Mr. Secretary, at what point in the future would alternative fuels, biofuels surpass oil consumption in the U.S.? Would that ever happen?

SECRETARY CHU: Yes, it will. Well, actually, let me temper this with the following. Let me make it broader. It’s not only the biofuels for transportation, but I would say renewable energy in general. I mean, what the Department of Energy is focused on is to develop those technologies where the cost of electricity from photovoltaics or wind would be equal or less than the cost of new fossil fuel, whether it’s gas or coal or whatever. That again, this is something where -- the debate, for example, at the Department of Energy, we are confident the business plans of companies around the world that are solar, photovoltaic energy will drop by 50 percent before the end of this decade, we begin to look at whether it’s possible to drop it by 75 percent by the end of this decade.

Seventy-five percent is a magic number in my mind -- 70-75 percent -- because that means the cost of electricity of photovoltaics is less than the cost of new fossil energy.

Fossil fuels, similarly -- we are trying to target fossil fuels and design so that you get fossil -- biomass to replace fossil fuel, but biomass based on, for example, woody materials, based on agricultural waste like wheat straw, corn cobs -- agricultural waste, lumber waste residues -- that's very inexpensive feedstock. We are working on ways to convert that feedstock in to drop in substantive fuels -- diesel gasoline, jet fuel. Already in the laboratory, this is being done. Now, the question is, can it be made commercially viable and when.

Okay, but when you make it commercially viable, then you’re on to something very, very big because that means if it’s commercially viable without subsidy, it can begin to be a very significant part of it, because it doesn’t compete directly with food crops.

Q So is there a time in the future where oil -- when fossil fuels are not the predominant source of energy?

SECRETARY CHU: Well, I think in the next couple of decades, oil -- fossil fuels like oil and gas will be a very big part of the mixture. But in these coming years -- I can’t promise you that the transition will occur 10 years from today, 15 year from today, 20 years -- but something -- in this part of the century, I think for sure it’s going to be price competitive, okay? But it also depends a lot on the biomass capability of the world, and so that's the other complication.

MS. ZICHAL: And I think just to build on that, the point that the President made today is that if we’re serious about gas prices and we’re serious about these challenges, then we need a serious plan in order to take our country there. And that's why through the speech today he put out a new goal for oil savings. Later this afternoon, we’ll be releasing a blueprint that talks about what we need to do to diversify across the board our energy sources and how we’re going to get from A to B.

MR. CARNEY: Okay, Mark.

Q Mr. Secretary, we’ve been hearing Presidents talk about reducing dependence on foreign oil for decades. Why will this -- President Obama’s plan work when others haven’t?

SECRETARY CHU: I think technologically we’re much closer than we ever were. As I said before, I was on the scientific advisory board of a battery company before I took my present position, and if you asked me four or five years ago what’s the prospect of having a fairly inexpensive battery where you can drive 300 miles on a single charge, I would have said I don't know.

Based on what I’ve seen just in the last two years, I’d say 50 percent chance we might be testing those batteries in cars, which means it will take three or four more years to get them on the road -- because there’s a lot of safety things you have to do -- but a 50 percent probability that we’ll be testing those batteries -- a battery one-third the cost, three times the range -- and at that point, that’s mass market. It just flies off the shelf.

So it is really technology driven. If you asked me five years ago what’s the prospect of having biofuels based on cellulosic materials that could be a direct drop in subsidies, I would have said I don’t really know. But based on what’s coming out of the labs and what is now being piloted today, I’d say, well, five or 10 years. I mean, that is a little bit longer time period, but I’d be surprised if in 15 years or 20 years it’s not going to be a fraction of fuel in the United States. Why the United States? We have incredible agricultural resources in the U.S. So we’re blessed with that.

MS. ZICHAL: And again, I think to just build on that for a moment, part of the answer is looking at the two years of the -- the first two years of our administration and the actions that we’ve taken. First and foremost, the Recovery Act, we had an historic investment in clean energy development and research. Second, one of the first actions that the President took was to set a goal of 1.5 million electric vehicles on the road by 2015. And we used our existing authorities in new and interesting ways through the Department of Transportation and EPA to establish the new efficiency standard that Secretary Chu was talking about. That’s 1.8 billion barrels of oil savings over the life of the program.

And across the board, we are looking at -- think about energy policy -- not about what is the role of the Department of Energy, what is the role of EPA, but how are we going to across the board use our existing authorities to bring solutions to American families and work with the Congress to find some additional bipartisan solutions.

Q But you would agree that America is still addicted to oil? (Laughter.)

MS. ZICHAL: We would agree that America certainly needs to continue producing our oil supplies. In the short term, as the President said, we have some steps we need to take, and we are going to continue to build on to increase the use of our domestic oil and gas resources. But we need a long-term plan, because as long as we don’t have a long-term plan that is legitimate to help us break our addiction, we are going to continue to be stuck to these -- in these oil price shocks.

Q Secretary Chu, do you still believe that we need European levels of gas prices, as you suggested to The Wall Street Journal in 2008?

SECRETARY CHU: No, I think there’s enough incentive today. I think, again, no one is even considering that today, given where the price of gas is. I think given the long-term prospects, I think Americans realize and the world realizes, given the demand in China, especially, and followed by India, that most of the automobiles being sold in the world -- China is the biggest market -- that increased demand going into the coming decades, with the finite resources we have, we’ll say, okay, this is the way the world is going to be.

You can’t -- as the President said, you cannot predict what’s going to happen a year from today, a month from today, in terms of prices. But he emphasized the prices are more likely to go up than go down. Given that, the handwriting is on the wall, so we’re going to diversify our supply of transportation energy, we’re going to make efficient vehicles, we become less dependent on oil for transportation. And that’s where we get our transportation security. That’s what makes it easier on the American pocketbook.

MR. CARNEY: Thank you, Secretary Chu. Thank you, Heather.

I’m here to take other questions on other issues if you have them. We can start back at the top here.

Jim.

Q Thanks, Jay. On Libya, yesterday the President said the question the administration wants to answer is whether the Qaddafi forces are sufficiently degraded so that opposition groups don’t need to be armed. Judging from what’s going on, on the ground today, those forces are pushing back the rebel forces. So I wonder what the White House assessment is right now, and what are the issues under consideration for not assisting the rebels with arms?

MR. CARNEY: I’m not sure I --

Q Well, if you’re making a determination whether to supply them with arms or not, what are the arguments for not supplying them with arms?

MR. CARNEY: Well, I think the President said very clearly in one of his interviews yesterday evening that he’s not taking anything off the table -- he’s not ruling something in or ruling something out in terms of lethal assistance to the opposition.

With regard to the start of your question, we are very confident that the coalition that we are part of, that is responsible for both enforcing the no-fly zone and protecting Libyan civilians, will be capable of succeeding in its mission and pushing back Colonel Qaddafi’s forces.

The broader question of assistance to the opposition is one that we’re looking at very closely. We’re coordinating with the opposition and exploring ways that we can assist them with non-lethal assistance, and we’ll look at other possibilities of assistance as we move forward.

Working with our coalition partners in the Contact Group which was stood up in London yesterday with the Secretary of State, broad number of partners involved in that effort looking at the political future of Libya and working with the opposition. And we’re examining all these issues as we work towards a Libya that has a government that answers to its people, that is chosen by its people, and is democratic and respects the rights of its citizens.

Q Given what is going on, on the ground, do you concede that he’s to some degree reasserting his authority right now militarily?

MR. CARNEY: Well, I think there’s a lot of ink that's been spilled on military operations in Libya, and the back-and-forth between Qaddafi’s forces and the opposition. And all I can tell you is that we remain very confident in the capacity of the NATO coalition to push the Qaddafi forces back, to protect Libyan civilians, to fulfill its mission to enforce the no-fly zone.

And there are different developments each day, but the trend we think is clear and the pressure on Qaddafi will continue -- both on his forces through the military operation and all the ways that we’ve discussed, through the measures that the United States and its international partners have taken to isolate him, to put pressure on him, to pressure those around him to realize that their days are numbered, the days of this regime are numbered, and that they may want to reconsider where they stand.

Q Jay, we’re hearing on the Hill, at least off the record, that things --

MR. CARNEY: Wait, you’re reporting something off the record here at the briefing? (Laughter.)

Q -- that budget talks are ongoing and that they're making happier noises than they are at least behind the scenes. So I wanted to get the White House’s assessment of where the budget negotiation process is now.

MR. CARNEY: Well, as we have said consistently through the various reports -- both on the record and off -- about the progress of negotiations, we are engaged in the negotiations. We believe that there is ample reason to be optimistic, that common ground can be found as long as all sides roll up their sleeves and get to work and realize that you’re not going to get -- no side is going to get everything it wants.

And the American people expect us to compromise. We have a system of government in place precisely for this reason, that sides with opposing views come together, work out a compromise, pass legislation that the American people believe should be passed and support. We think we can do that. We think that completing the funding for fiscal year 2011, a fiscal year that's nearly half over, should be a relatively easy task, and that the differences that separate us are not so great that we cannot find the common ground in a way that each side can feel that it accomplished something in getting it done.

Q Are you -- that's what you’ve thought from the beginning. Do you have any sense -- are you getting any feeling that maybe there’s a bit more movement and willingness for a compromise now than there has been?

MR. CARNEY: Well, I don't want to characterize it. Obviously, these are ongoing negotiations. And as I said in answer to a question about an entirely different subject, the dynamic changes sometimes hour by hour, day by day. But we believe that there are -- there is reason to be confident that if everyone agrees that this position won’t succeed, and this position won’t succeed, and therefore, we have to find some middle ground here, and the President has demonstrated his willingness -- put skin in the game to show that he’s willing to come more than halfway, the Democrats have shown that we’re willing to do more to cut more as long as priorities that the President believes are vital to ensuring economic growth in the future and job creation in the future are protected -- that we can then get this done and move on to other big challenges that we face.

Q What about some of those other issues? I know the line has been drawn on health care reform, Planned Parenthood, greenhouse gas regulation. But what about things like the foreign service pay, an alternate F-35 jet engine? There’s a lot of other things. Is the White House willing to move on those issues?

MR. CARNEY: Well, what we’ve said, Tricia, very clearly and our position has not changed, is that we believe that this is an appropriations process, a budget bill that's about cutting spending and funding the government, and that that should be the focus; and that this is not the place to wage sort of debates about ideological issues or politically charged issues; that that's a way to try to derail the process instead of trying to get the train into the station and get the work done.

I’m not going to negotiate line by line what’s in that budget agreement, but our overall approach to this remains the same today as it was yesterday and last week.

Jake.

Q In terms of the question of whether or not the U.S. or the coalition should arm the rebels or more closely coordinate strikes with them, have military-to-military contact, such as their military is, could you walk us through what some of the considerations are, what the debate is playing out behind closed doors?

MR. CARNEY: Well, first of all, I would make clear that there is a kind of “what problem haven’t you solved today” aspect to this, which is that in a remarkably short period of time -- as the President laid out in his speech and laid out in the interviews yesterday -- with American leadership, the international community acted, first to take dramatic, unprecedented measures through the United Nations and unilaterally in terms of non-lethal measures, sanctions to put pressure on the Qaddafi regime and isolate the Qaddafi regime, and then through U.N. Security Council 1973 to authorize all necessary means to protect the civilian population of Libya from Qaddafi’s forces and to avert what was most likely an imminent humanitarian catastrophe.

We’ve had remarkable success in achieving the goals laid out. And so in terms of the assistance provided the opposition, obviously the measures we have taken has provided great assistance to the opposition. We prevented the invasion of and sacking of Benghazi and averted likely thousands of civilian deaths in the course --

Q But the President gave a much more positive assessment of what the condition was on the ground for the rebels on Monday than exists today because the situation on the ground has changed.

MR. CARNEY: And the situation -- as I said, we’re not going to do a play-by-play of how does it look today, how does it look tomorrow. What I said in the beginning is --

Q -- going on behind closed doors, and in the name of having --

MR. CARNEY: Well, who said anything was going on behind closed doors?

Q In the name of the -- of candor and explaining to the American people what’s going on, what we’re talking about doing. You guys have been criticized for a lot of quick action that you had to take because of the immediacy of --

MR. CARNEY: After we were --

Q -- because of the immediacy --

MR. CARNEY: After we were criticized for moving too slowly -- but, yes.

Q You can -- if you’d like me to get a roomful of straw men, I can do that. But if we can have that conversation for a second, and that is, what are the -- what’s the debate? What are the issues? I’m not saying that one side is right or one side is wrong. I’m just saying, can you explain to the American people what are some of the considerations you guys are weighing?

MR. CARNEY: In terms of what? Arming --

Q In terms of more closely working with the rebels, whether it’s arming them, whether it’s more closely coordinating military strikes with them, having direct conversations with them. What are some of the competing issues?

MR. CARNEY: We have said and we continue to say this, that obviously through this very brief window of time we have worked very quickly to try to assess who the opposition is. As the President I believe said in one the interviews, that clearly not everyone in Libya who is opposed to Qaddafi is friendly to the United States. But we have been working with those leaders of the opposition who have demonstrated -- who have been vetted and who have demonstrated a commitment, at least initially, to the kinds of actions that we believe are essential, that adhere to the principles that we discussed that broadly apply as we look at the whole region and the unrest in the whole region, which is a commitment to the universal rights of their citizens, a commitment to free and fair elections, to a democratic transition, to tolerance and respect, like I said, for human rights.

So the Libyan National Council put out a statement yesterday from London, which we found to be encouraging in terms of their approach to this. And we are dealing quite closely with that opposition leadership as we make an assessment about what measures we can take going forward.

But I remind you that we’re not going to rush into anything here without carefully considering what the policy decision is, what the outcome we desire is, and how we can help most effectively. And that’s the same approach we took in making decisions about kinetic military action and supporting an international coalition through the United Nations, with support from the Arab League and other nations, to launch a military action. And that’s the approach we’ll take going forward.

Q Wait, just to follow up. What -- are you -- what are the concerns? Given that you have vetted many members of the opposition and found them, at least initially, to be on the right side of these humanitarian ideals that the President espouses and the United States stands for, what are the concerns that exist beyond what the NATO commander yesterday referred to some “flickers” of al Qaeda and Hezbollah ties among some of the rebels? What’s the worry? Is it that the U.S. then has more ownership, or NATO has more ownership of this military action? Is it just the law of unintended consequences? Is it what the U.S. went through in Afghanistan?

MR. CARNEY: Well, let me -- I mean, we could -- I don’t want to bore everyone here with a conversation that you and I can have. But I think these are all good questions, and I think that in some ways your questions are answers in that we carefully consider all those issues in a situation like this. And we -- the President is committed not just to quick action that can be effective to avert humanitarian catastrophe, but making the right choices for the long term, to make sure that we -- his eye is constantly on the long game here in terms of what’s in the best interest of the American people and U.S. national security interests as we move our way through this historic period of upheaval and change in the Middle East.

I mean, there is a lot to be optimistic about in terms of the change that we’re seeing -- the commitment that we’re seeing from the grassroots and on the ground to the kind of democratic ideals that we obviously hold dear and believe are universal. But we don’t want to do anything -- we want to make sure that the policy decisions we make are targeted and have the best possible chance of achieving the goal that we seek.

Dan.

Q On this issue of vetting, is this process continuing so that the U.S. gets a better understanding of what the leadership structure is of the opposition, who exactly it is that you’re dealing with?

MR. CARNEY: Yes.

Q Can you explain --

MR. CARNEY: The process is continuing. I mean, just as you would expect it to continue. We have contacts with the opposition. The Contact Group that was stood up will obviously play a role in that. And it’s not just the United States. This is an international coalition -- that we are working together with our international partners on all facets of this. This is a -- but simply to say that, yes, we are continuing to discuss -- have conversations with the opposition and to evaluate the opposition and to assess what the makeup of it is there in Libya.

Q And is the administration finding anything more than just the flickers of al Qaeda or other --

MR. CARNEY: Well, I’ll point you to what Ambassador Rice said, which is that that answer to that is no. And what’s important to remember about what we’re seeing in Libya, like what we saw in other countries, is that the motivation, the ideals, the aspirations that are expressed in these popular movements are antithetical in many ways to the -- in all ways, really -- to the purposes and ideals set forth by terrorist organizations who use violence against innocent civilians to achieve their goals are quite the contrary to the kind of protests we’ve seen in Egypt and Tunisia and other countries. In Libya we’re very much driven by the kind of ideals that are, like I said, antithetical to those who support violence to achieve their goals.

Q On Syria, the President said that the considerations that went into the U.S. involvement, engagement in Libya would not necessarily apply to Syria. So is there a strategy right now that’s being put together to address what may happen in Syria?

MR. CARNEY: Well, we are obviously very closely watching the situation in Syria. We condemn the violence that has occurred there. We condemn the arrest of human rights activists, lawyers, journalists and others. We call on the Syrian government to engage in the political dialogue that we have called on other governments in the region to engage in -- to refrain from violence, to begin a process of reform.

The Syrian President, as you know, gave a speech earlier today in which he talked about moving quickly on the very reforms that he promised in 2005. We urge him to do so. It’s clearly what his people are demanding. But we’re obviously paying very close attention to what’s happening in Syria and all the things I just said about the violence and the actions taken by the government, and we urge political dialogue.

Q But is the administration putting together a series of considerations specific to Syria that if they aren’t met the U.S. would be engaged, as they were in Libya?

MR. CARNEY: Well, I think what the President made clear last night was that he approaches these situations with a broad set of principles, but that he does not have a cookie-cutter approach to each country. Each country is different. What’s happening in each country is different. The government -- governments can be different; the cultural situation can be different. Our interests are at the forefront of his mind as he approaches all these problems. So we do not have a set of responses that apply in reaction to a set of actions.

Q Right, I understand that. So are you putting together a “designer,” then, response for Syria at this point, depending on what may happen there?

MR. CARNEY: Well, obviously we -- I mean, I guess I could answer, yes, we have people watching Syria and analyzing what’s happening and obviously advising the President on the policy positions we’re taking, the things we’re saying publicly to the Syrian government about what we believe they should do and the President should do and engage in the political dialogue, and that will be constantly -- that will evolve as the situation evolves.

Chip.

Q On Syria, are any military options on the table or being considered at this point? I mean, I know you plan for all contingencies, and all through Egypt and Libya, from very early stages, you said all options are on the table. Are all options on the table in Syria?

MR. CARNEY: Well, Chip, I think we’re not in a situation that is analogous to what we had in Libya, which is in this region is the place where obviously we did make the decision -- the President did make the decision to take action militarily. And that was a set of circumstances that in many ways are likely to be unique to Libya: the broad international coalition, the request from the Libyan opposition, the support of the Arab League, the imminent humanitarian catastrophe large-scale, the demonstration by Colonel Qaddafi of his willingness to kill his own citizens on a large scale. All those factors came together to -- were weighed by the President as he made his decision, and they in many ways were unique to Libya.

Q So as far as you know with regard to Syria, there are no military options even in the early stages of consideration?

MR. CARNEY: That's certainly the case, yes. I’m not going to predict the future, and I think the President made clear that he’s not in the business of predicting the future either, but he did make clear also last night that we do not have a singular approach to each situation.

Q Yes, in the CBS interview yesterday -- picking one at random -- the President used the expression “constant bombardment” at one point. He essentially argued that if Qaddafi wants the “constant bombardment” to stop, he’ll have to step down. Isn’t that crossing the line from using military action to protect civilians and using it to push him out?

MR. CARNEY: The constant bombardment is happening because of the threat of violence that Qaddafi’s forces pose to the population of Libya. And as we’ve seen has been discussed about developments in the last 24-36 hours that it’s not like they're laying down their arms. It’s not like Qaddafi has gone into -- circled the wagons and gone into retreat. He is clearly still trying to wreak havoc on his country and putting his own citizens in great danger.

And so the mission of the U.N. Security Council resolution is to protect the civilian population, and the constant bombardment will continue as long as that mission remains.

Q Any plans in the works, or any consideration being given to a broader kind of -- as some people have said, a Cairo II speech, to try to put all this in context? Or is that impossible given that every situation is --

MR. CARNEY: No, look, obviously, the President spoke pretty expansively just the night before last about Libya, but also within the context of how he makes decisions and in terms of use of force and why he made the decision he made, why America’s interests were served by this action. And he also put it in the context of the Arab Awakening or Arab Spring that we’ve been witnessing the last several months.

I certainly would not rule out the possibility that he’ll want to address this issue sometime again in the future. I don't have -- I’m not promising that, but I wouldn’t rule it out.

Wendell.

Q Since the President, Jay, hasn’t ruled out providing weapons to the Libyan opposition, does he believe he can do that without also providing U.S. trainers, or that providing U.S. trainers wouldn’t break his promise not to put boots on the ground there?

MR. CARNEY: The President made very clear that there will not be U.S. troops -- no boots on the ground in Libya.

Q So he believes you could possibly provide weapons without sending U.S. trainers?

MR. CARNEY: I don't see why not.

Q And does he -- does he feel that he could provide U.S. weapons and make sure none of them fall into the hands of the flickers of al Qaeda that there may be?

MR. CARNEY: Well, Wendell, you're leading me down the road of things that may happen if a decision is made that hasn’t been made.

Q What I’m actually trying to do is find out whether some things the President has said and some realities -- like weapons are stolen and sold -- actually preclude the U.S. providing --

MR. CARNEY: I would simply say that there are a lot of factors that go into a decision like that, and some of the factors would be probably related to the questions that you’re asking. Obviously, we would not make a decision like that if we did not think that it was the smart way to go, and that the policy goals it would serve were achievable and outweighed the risks involved. That's how we approach all these issues.

Q For a couple of days, I’ve been asking you if we’re at war in Libya, and I don't think I’ve gotten an answer yet. I’d like to try again. Is it a war?

MR. CARNEY: Look, it is a -- obviously, it’s military action. Did we invade Libya? No. Are we -- do we have U.S. troops on the ground in Libya? No. You can call it -- it’s been a false argument that some media outlets have tried to engage about the nomenclature here. It is the use of military force in concert with our allies. Military force is inherently a risky proposition, puts men and women in harm’s way, and military -- but what it is not is in the context that we live in today, anything like a situation where you had I believe at one point 170,000-plus U.S. troops on the ground in Iraq; where you have 100,000 U.S. troops and 140,000 ISAF troops overall in Afghanistan in a prolonged engagement, a prolonged war. That is not what is happening in Libya.

The President made very clear how this is not at all like that. You can call it what you want, but it’s not analogous.

Q Jay, following up on the question on the budget, is there still a veto threat? Will the President veto anything with a rider -- anything that comes to his desk with a rider on it? Because that was the position three weeks ago.

MR. CARNEY: No, the position -- let me be clear. The position was that we do not believe that this is the proper place to insert ideologically driven agenda items or politically driven agenda items, that those debates can happen outside this process.

The appropriations process is a Byzantine and complex one. And I don't want to get into deciding what line can or cannot --

Q -- you didn't want riders, that was a veto, that you weren’t going to accept anything with a rider.

MR. CARNEY: Again, you’re trying to define -- a rider could be something that declares apple pie the favorite dessert in America. The issue here is the kind of politically charged, contentious issue that can derail this train that needs to get to the station so that the government is funded, people’s priorities are met --

Q So there’s a scenario where he signs something that has some riders in it as long as it’s not NPR and Planned Parenthood?

MR. CARNEY: Look, I’m not going to negotiate the agenda items here. His position is clear about what shouldn’t be in this. His position is clear about his willingness to cut spending significantly and predict --

Q -- his veto position -- is there any veto position on that?

MR. CARNEY: The veto position the President issued was in the statement of administration policy related to HR1 and the President’s priorities, and that stands. But I’m not going to get into negotiating specifics beyond telling you that the very issues that could derail this process are the ones that should not be in it.

Q How would you describe this compromise that has been written by Jack Lew, from what I understand, of the additional $20 billion in cuts that's on the table for Republicans to accept? Is that a beginning? Is that take or leave it? Would you just -- this new plan --

MR. CARNEY: Well, I certainly don't think we’re in the beginning of this process.

Q No, I understand that, but is that --

MR. CARNEY: And I would simply say without addressing speculation --

Q Is that simply a floor? That position, the $20 billion?

MR. CARNEY: -- in the media about what proposals are out there and who authored them. I would say that negotiate --

Q There’s not a Jack Lew written proposal --

MR. CARNEY: Again, I’m just not going to address -- I’m not going to address speculation about who’s drafted proposals, what the numbers attached to them are, except that we believe there is an easily achievable compromise if both sides, all sides are willing --

Q -- that negotiating --

MR. CARNEY: Look, I think that we’re negotiating, we're discussing with leaders on the Hill regularly what the contours of an agreement would look like. And I think -- I can tell you that as part of that engagement -- because there seems to be occasionally questions about how engaged we are -- the Vice President spoke with Speaker Boehner yesterday; he spoke with the Senate Majority Leader yesterday; and obviously senior White House staff have been engaged in negotiations.

But I’m not going to acknowledge -- I mean, part of getting a deal --

Q The plan exists or does not exist?

MR. CARNEY: Well, I think that there are ideas on the table about how we get from here to there, and that good-faith negotiations can get us from here to there.

Q You’ve said a couple of times today and in previous sessions that the Qaddafi regime’s days are numbered. What evidence do we actually have that that is true?

MR. CARNEY: He’s lost legitimacy to rule in the eyes of his people; that he controls only a relatively small portion of his country; that he obviously has lost a great deal of military capacity, which is one of the means by which he was able to rule as a dictator and autocrat for all these many decades. I think his days are numbered. And I think that the regime’s days are numbered. And we are participating with our international partners in a number of measures designed to put pressure on Qaddafi that will hopefully convince him of what the rest of us know is true.

Q But isn’t it a bit of an overstatement, considering the fact that we keep seeing this seesaw battle across the desert? It’s clear that in certain places, Tripoli and Sirte, he has significant support not only from military elements but also from the civilian population. Isn’t it overstating it to say that his days are numbered? Couldn’t those days be quite a few?

MR. CARNEY: I think that, again, you can take a day-by-day breakdown and say he’s up, he’s down. The trend, we believe, since the coalition engaged militarily is clearly against him. And what is clear is that his days as leader of Libya are numbered and probably over, as Libya writ large. And we can’t predict, we don’t have a crystal ball, we don’t know how long Qaddafi will hold on, but we believe we can work with our partners, consult with the opposition and give them the kind of advice and assistance, non-lethal or otherwise, that can help them move this process and create a situation where the Libyan people, after a very long winter, will have a chance to choose their own leaders and decide their own future.

Q But by saying “writ large,” you do concede to some extent that he could control a substantial or reduced portion of territory --

MR. CARNEY: I concede that we cannot predict to you the day that Qaddafi will leave the country or leave power.

Ann.

Q Would the President seek an approval -- a resolution of approval from Congress if he decides to give any kind of armaments or military equipment to the opposition?

MR. CARNEY: That’s a double hypothetical, so I can’t -- I just don’t know.

Q He himself said in three interviews yesterday that that kind of option is still on the table; he hasn’t ruled it out. He did not go to Congress asking specific --

MR. CARNEY: And there’s great historical precedent for not doing that.

Q I’m asking -- and maybe your answer is no -- he would not go to Congress --

MR. CARNEY: It’s not. It’s just a hypothetical that I can’t entertain because the world as it is is vexing enough.

Q Does he believe he needs that authority? That’s not a hypothetical?

MR. CARNEY: Again --

Q It’s not a hypothetical.

MR. CARNEY: -- we don’t even have the circumstance before us around which to answer that question. So I’m not going to answer it as a hypothetical.

Mark --

Q Can I ask a budget --

MR. CARNEY: Yes, I’ll get to you, Jared.

Q General Electric made $5 billion from its U.S. entities, $14 billion worldwide; seems to have paid little or no U.S. corporate taxes, depending on who you believe. They’re right now asking 15,000 unionized members of their workforce to accept significant cutbacks. They’ve cut their workforce in the U.S. by a fifth since 2002. Jeff Immelt is obviously the chairman -- or the head of the President’s Council on Competitiveness and Jobs. Does the White House associate itself with that type of corporate stewardship in the sense that Immelt is its leading avatar or representative to the corporate world?

MR. CARNEY: Well, I would say that membership on the Jobs Council, as the President made clear, is not decided by agreement on every issue. It is not -- the whole point of the Jobs Council is to get outside advice, to help the President -- to generate ideas for the President to consider ways by which he can increase American competitiveness and create jobs.

In terms of the tax issue that you raised at the beginning, we had a long exchange about this the other day and I discussed at length and would ask you read that instead of having to hear me discuss it again about the President’s commitment to corporate tax reform.

Q Jay, just two questions?

MR. CARNEY: Are you working for the Post now? I can’t believe it. You moved up to the Washington Post.

Q Do we want to check everyone’s seat?

MR. CARNEY: No, go ahead, Lester. (Laughter.)

Q Thank you.

MR. CARNEY: I’ll take one.

Q I think you’ll probably want to take the follow-up. The Democrat governor of the President’s home state of Illinois, Pat Quinn, signed a bill abolishing the death penalty because, he said, “I am deeply concerned that an innocent may be executed.” Does the President still disagree with this?

MR. CARNEY: Again, I haven’t heard him discuss this. I would -- his position is what it is.

Q Page 57 of “The Audacity of Hope.”

MR. CARNEY: I have no announcement to make about a change in any position of the President’s on this issue.

Q All right, he has not changed. What is the President’s opinion of the mayor-elect of Chicago’s agreement with Governor Quinn and with previous governor Republican George Ryan, who commuted 167 death sentences in Illinois?

MR. CARNEY: I don’t have an answer for you on that.

Q You just rather --

MR. CARNEY: I haven’t discussed the President’s opinion of the mayor-elect’s opinion of a former governor’s position --

Q Well, he likes the mayor-elect, doesn’t he?

MR. CARNEY: He does, indeed, yes.

Q Jay, can you talk a little bit about --

MR. CARNEY: Sorry, Jared -- peripheral vision thing.

Q -- U.S. plans or plans with our allies in finding a place for Qaddafi if he decides -- if and when he decides to step down?

MR. CARNEY: I think we’re getting ahead of ourselves. I believe the Secretary of State discussed this, maybe the President did as well in his interviews about -- some things that were -- indications we’re hearing from around Qaddafi of interest being expressed through different channels about what the future may hold, but we’re a long way from engaging in that discussion. And it’s probably not one we’d do in public from here.

Q We’re tracking those, or chasing them down if we hear those reports, though. Is that a fair conclusion?

MR. CARNEY: I think it’s a fair assumption.

Jared.

Q Two basic questions. One is, what is the White House stance on the Republican’s government shutdown prevention act proposal?

MR. CARNEY: I don’t have a detailed response except to say that we believe that instead of passing sort of nice-sounding legislation that doesn’t accomplish what can be accomplished at the negotiating table, we ought to roll up our sleeves and accomplish what can be easily be done if each side is willing to move off its starting position, make a few compromises, accept the fact that they can’t get everything they want, to reduce spending, protect but not do things that would harm our economic recovery, and then move on, get this done.

Q Thanks, Jay.

Q A quick follow-up is on -- sorry about that -- on Libya. Why don’t we have a better understanding of the opposition? That’s something I haven’t understood is why.

MR. CARNEY: Well, I would simply say that this is a development that’s barely a month old and it’s not that we don’t have -- we have an understanding of the opposition and we’re deepening it and developing it further.

Thanks.

Q Thank you.

END 2:32 P.M. EDT

Vice President Biden to Visit UNH to Discuss Issue of Sexual Assault at Nation's Schools & Colleges


Biden, Secretary Duncan to Announce New Guidance for
Preventing & Responding to Sexual Violence

Washington, D.C. – On Monday, April 4, Vice President Biden will visit the University of New Hampshire in Durham, New Hampshire with Secretary of Education Arne Duncan to call attention to the high rates of sexual assault and violence committed against young women in schools and on college campuses across the country. During their visit, the Vice President and Secretary Duncan will introduce new guidance to help schools, colleges and universities understand their civil rights obligations to better prevent and respond to sexual assault.

For over 20 years, Vice President Biden has led the fight to combat violence against women. As the author of the landmark Violence Against Women Act (VAWA) of 1994, then-Senator Biden exposed high rates of domestic violence, sexual assault and stalking experienced by women every day in this country – redefining the way domestic violence is handled through changes in law enforcement, improvements in the criminal justice system and the establishment of shelters and services for victims. As Vice President, he has continued the cause, creating unprecedented coordination and cooperation across the federal government to combat violence against women.

Yet in spite of the significant progress made since the passage of VAWA, the threat of violence and abuse continues for a new generation of women. Young women aged 16-24 experience the highest rates of rape and sexual assault, while 1 in 5 will be a victim of sexual assault during college. With Secretary Duncan, the Vice President will highlight the Administration’s commitment to raising awareness and promoting policies to prevent violence and sexual assault against women of all ages.

Tuesday, March 29, 2011

President Obama Speaks With Japanese Prime Minister

Readout of the President's call with Japanese Prime Minister Kan

President Obama spoke with Japanese Prime Minister Naoto Kan this evening from Air Force One. This was their third telephone conversation since the earthquake and tsunami struck Japan on March 11. The President reiterated that the United States is determined to support the people of Japan in their efforts to deal with the devastating effects of this tragedy, both in the short and the long term. Prime Minister Kan thanked the President for the extensive U.S. help in the response effort. The two leaders reaffirmed the importance of close U.S.-Japanese cooperation in dealing with the ongoing nuclear emergency.

White House Briefs

President Obama Announces More Key Administration Posts

President Barack Obama announced his intent to nominate the following individuals to key Administration posts:

Henry S. Ensher, Nominee for Ambassador to the People's Democratic Republic of Algeria, Department of State

Henry S. Ensher most recently served as the United States Senior Civilian Representative in southern Afghanistan. Immediately prior to that assignment, he was Director of the Office of Afghanistan Affairs in the Department of State. Mr. Ensher joined the Foreign Service in 1983 and his overseas assignments include Hermosillo, Jeddah, Muscat, Damascus, Vienna, Algiers, Tel Aviv and Baghdad. He also directed political affairs for Iraq within the Bureau of Near Eastern Affairs in 2006. Mr. Ensher received his B.A. from Loyola Marymount University.

Kenneth J. Fairfax, Nominee for Ambassador to the Republic of Kazakhstan, Department of State

Kenneth Fairfax is a career member of the Senior Foreign Service and currently serves as the Minister Counselor for Economic Affairs at the American Embassy in Baghdad, Iraq. Prior to this assignment, Mr. Fairfax served as Principal Officer and Consul General at the U.S. Consulate General in Ho Chi Minh City, a position he has also held at the U.S. Consulate General in Krakow. Prior to that, he served as Counselor for Economic Affairs at the U.S. Embassy in Kyiv. His other overseas assignments include Vancouver, British Columbia, Seoul and Pusan, Korea. He began his Foreign Service career in 1987 as an Economics and Commercial Officer at Embassy Muscat. Mr. Fairfax has also served as the Director for both Nuclear Materials Security and Russia, Ukraine, and Eurasia Affairs at the National Security Council. Prior to joining the State Department, Mr. Fairfax worked as an economic consultant and in the computer industry in the San Francisco Bay Area. He holds a B.A. with High Honors from Oberlin College.

Deepa Gupta, Nominee for Member, National Council on the Arts

Deepa Gupta is a Program Officer for Media, Culture and Special Initiatives at the John D. and Catherine T. MacArthur Foundation in Chicago. In this role, she manages the Foundation's grantmaking in arts and culture in Chicago and the MacArthur Award for Creative and Effective Institutions. She previously served as a senior associate at McKinsey and Company. She is a board member of the National Kidney Foundation of Illinois and an advisory board member of the Cure JM Foundation. Ms. Gupta earned her M.B.A. from the Kellogg School at Northwestern University and an M.P.A. from the Kennedy School of Government at Harvard University. She has an A.B. in Public Policy and Biology from the University of Chicago.

President Obama announced his intent to appoint the followinf individuals to key Administration posts:

Nisha Desai Biswal, Appointee for Member, Congressional-Executive Commission on the People’s Republic of China

Nisha Desai Biswal currently serves as Assistant Administrator for Asia at the U.S. Agency for International Development. Prior to this position Ms. Biswal served as the Majority Clerk for the State Department and Foreign Operations Subcommittee on the Committee on Appropriations in the U.S. House of Representatives which has jurisdiction over the State Department, United States Agency for International Development (USAID) and other aspects of the international affairs budget. Ms. Biswal provided staff support to Appropriations Committee Chairman David Obey and Subcommittee Chairwoman Nita Lowey in managing the appropriations and oversight of the U.S. international affairs budget. Ms. Biswal was the Director of Policy and Advocacy at InterAction, the largest alliance of U.S. based international humanitarian and development non-governmental organizations. She previously served on the professional staff of the House International Relations Committee where she was responsible for South and Central Asia policy as well as oversight of the State Department and USAID. Ms. Biswal worked at the U.S. Agency for International Development where she served as Special Assistant to the Administrator. During her four years at USAID, Ms. Biswal also worked in the Office of U.S. Foreign Disaster Assistance, the Office of Transition Initiatives, and served as chief of staff in the Management Bureau. Ms. Biswal has also worked with the American Red Cross both in their Washington headquarters and overseas as an international delegate in Armenia, Georgia and Azerbaijan. Ms. Biswal holds a B.A. from the University of Virginia.

Michael C. Camuñez, Appointee for Member, Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe

Michael C. Camuñez currently serves as Assistant Secretary for Market Access and Compliance, Department of Commerce. Prior to this appointment, Mr. Camuñez served as Special Counsel to the President in the Office of the White House Counsel. He has also served as Special Assistant to the President for Presidential Personnel. Mr. Camuñez also worked on the Obama-Biden Presidential Transition Project as part of the Agency Review Team. Prior to joining the administration, Mr. Camuñez was a partner in the law firm of O’Melveny & Myers LLP, where he represented Fortune 500 companies, officers and directors in a range of matters involving domestic and international commercial disputes. He also advised U.S. companies doing business abroad in Latin America and Europe on corporate compliance, anti-corruption, and the risks associated with foreign investment and multinational business transactions. From 1991-1993 he served as the Program Officer and Director of the National Service Demonstration Program at the bipartisan U.S. Commission on National Service in Washington, DC. From 1993 to 1995 he served as the Senior Policy Advisor for national service in the Clinton Administration, where he helped lead the effort to establish the Corporation for National Service and its signature program, AmeriCorps. He has also served on numerous boards, including as President of the Mexican American Bar Foundation in Los Angeles County and as a member of the Stanford Law School Board of Visitors. He was appointed by Democratic and Republican governors to the board of California’s public service commission, which he chaired from 2005-2007 with California First Lady Maria Shriver. From 2007 until his appointment in the administration, Mr. Camuñez also served as a member of the Los Angeles City Ethics Commission. He is a member of the Pacific Council on International Policy, the West Coast Affiliate of the Council on Foreign Relations. He is a graduate of Harvard College and Stanford Law School.

Susan H. Hildreth, Appointee for Member, Board of Trustees of the American Folklife Center

Susan Hildreth recently was appointed by President Obama as the Director of the Institute of Museum and Library Services (IMLS). Before joining the IMLS, Susan H. Hildreth was the city librarian of The Seattle Public Library. She was previously appointed as California’s state librarian by Gov. Arnold Schwarzenegger. Prior to her position as California state librarian, Ms. Hildreth was at the San Francisco Public Library, where she served as deputy director and then city librarian. Her background also includes five years as deputy library director at the Sacramento Public Library, several years as Placer County's head librarian and four years as library director for the Benicia Public Library, all in California. She began her career as a branch librarian at the Edison Township Library in New Jersey. Ms. Hildreth is active in the American Library Association and served as president of the Public Library Association in 2006. She has a master's degree in library science from State University of New York, a master's degree in business administration from Rutgers University and a bachelor of arts, cum laude, from Syracuse University.

Gary Hirshberg, Appointee for Member, Advisory Committee for Trade Policy and Negotiations

Gary Hirshberg is Chairman, President, and CEO of Stonyfield Farm, a leading organic yogurt producer and is managing director of Stonyfield Europe, a partnership with Groupe Danone, with brands in Canada, Ireland, and France. He serves as a member on the corporate boards of Honest Tea, Applegate Farms, The Full Yield, Peak Organic Brewing, O'Naturals, Sweetgreen, and Glenisk (Ireland). He is also a member of the board of Danone Communities Fund which is advancing sustainable micro-enterprises in Bangladesh, Cambodia and Senegal among other countries.

Edwin Schlossberg, Appointee for Member, Commission of Fine Arts

Edwin Schlossberg is the founder and principal of ESI Design, an internationally recognized firm that designs interactive environments for learning and communicating. Mr. Schlossberg specializes in integrated experiential museums and retail and large scale cultural facilities including the recently designed Shanghai Corporate Pavilion for the World Expo in Shanghai. He has written more than ten published works, has had numerous one man art shows and his work is in the collections of many major museums. He teaches and lectures widely including at Columbia University. He is on several non profit boards and founded the partnership desigNYC that matches designers and community organizations in need of pro-bono support. He graduated from the Columbia University with a B.A., M.A. and Ph.D. in Science and Literature.

Lesley Weiss, Appointee for Member, Commission for the Preservation of America’s Heritage Abroad

Lesley Weiss is Director of Community Services and Cultural Affairs for NCSJ: Advocates on Behalf of Jews in Russia, Ukraine, the Baltic States & Eurasia. Ms. Weiss coordinates democracy initiatives, community education and revitalization efforts in the countries of the former Soviet Union. She monitors government compliance in the areas of free emigration and religious and cultural rights. Ms. Weiss, the daughter of a Holocaust survivor, travels frequently to the region where she works closely with government, NGO and community representatives on the restitution and preservation of Jewish communal property, cemetery restoration, and Holocaust remembrance and memorialization.


Addabbo: 'Census Data Should Be Re-Evaluated'

Supports Lawsuit or Administrative Action to
Reassess the Population Numbers


New York State Senator Joseph Addabbo Jr. submitted the following statement to "From The G-Man" regarding the 2010 census findings for New York City and Queens:

"After reviewing the 2010 Census numbers in my district, I believe that the numbers reported do not justify the money and effort spent in certain communities. I do not feel that the $15 million spent on the Census in my district produced an accurate reading of the population for the people I represent. I am not convinced that my district grew by 4,137 residents as the Census suggests. I support any lawsuit or administrative action brought to reassess the debatable Census numbers. The statistics should be re-evaluated and I am hopeful that with a more defined population reading, we can qualify to receive our fair share of governmental funding for services that benefit the people of our communities."

'New York and Our Nation Lost a Dedicated Trailblazer'

Addabbo Pays Tribute to Geraldine Ferraro

New York State Senator Joseph P. Addabbo, Jr. (D-Queens), issued the following statement on the late Geraldine Ferraro:

"New York and our nation lost a true credible, dedicated trailblazer when Geraldine Ferraro passed away over the weekend. Her work as a teacher, lawyer, mother, local and national public servant who set new standards, is truly to be admired and honored.

I remember many times witnessing the cooperative efforts and friendship of my father, the late Congressman Joseph P. Addabbo, and Geraldine, as they dealt with issues concerning their communities and the whole country in Washington, D.C.

Italian-Americans across the city, state and country should be proud of her accomplishments and rise to global prominence. As a champion of women’s rights, may Geraldine Ferraro continue to serve as an inspiration to many for generations to come."

Monday, March 28, 2011

Governor Cuomo Signs Legislation to Extend Unemployment Insurance BenefitsThrough 2011

Extended Benefits Will Provide Relief for 166,000 New Yorkers

Governor Andrew Cuomo has signed into law a measure extending federally-funded unemployment insurance benefits through 2011.

Without this new law, the state would not be able to continue to pay a total of 93 weeks of benefits and would have forfeited $620 million in federal payments to the unemployed, negatively impacting approximately 166,000 New Yorkers.

"This measure will ensure out-of-work New Yorkers will continue to have a federally-funded safety net to help them weather this prolonged economic downturn," said Cuomo. "Re-entering the workforce can be daunting and time consuming. This law provides basic relief for the thousands of job-hunters across the state."

Senator Joseph E. Robach, Chair of the Senate Labor Committee and sponsor of the Governor's bill, said, "I am glad that quick legislative action has allowed us to access federal funds to assist those on unemployment during these challenging economic times. Hopefully, the economy will improve with more private-sector jobs and relief for all."

Assemblyman Keith Wright, Chair of the Assembly Labor Committee and sponsor of the Governor's bill, said, "At a time when far too many New York residents are still struggling to emerge from the 'Great Recession,' many families are still reliant upon unemployment insurance to get them through these difficult times. This legislation makes much needed changes ensuring that thousands of New York families get the assistance they need while they continue to search for all-too-elusive jobs in this economy."

Since 2009, New York State has participated in a two-year federally-funded unemployment insurance program. In December 2010, the United States Congress extended the federal program by an additional year. The Governor's legislation amends New York State law to allow the state to qualify for the additional third year of the program.

The extended unemployment insurance program will continue throughout 2011. Under the program, benefits for all private sector and non-profit employees are fully federally-funded.

President Obama Makes His Case for Libyan Intervention

REMARKS BY THE PRESIDENT

IN ADDRESS TO THE NATION ON LIBYA

National Defense University

Washington, D.C.

7:31 P.M. EDT

THE PRESIDENT: Tonight, I’d like to update the American people on the international effort that we have led in Libya –- what we’ve done, what we plan to do, and why this matters to us.

I want to begin by paying tribute to our men and women in uniform who, once again, have acted with courage, professionalism and patriotism. They have moved with incredible speed and strength. Because of them and our dedicated diplomats, a coalition has been forged and countless lives have been saved.

Meanwhile, as we speak, our troops are supporting our ally Japan, leaving Iraq to its people, stopping the Taliban’s momentum in Afghanistan, and going after al Qaeda all across the globe. As Commander-in-Chief, I’m grateful to our soldiers, sailors, airmen, Marines, Coast Guardsmen, and to their families. And I know all Americans share in that sentiment.

For generations, the United States of America has played a unique role as an anchor of global security and as an advocate for human freedom. Mindful of the risks and costs of military action, we are naturally reluctant to use force to solve the world’s many challenges. But when our interests and values are at stake, we have a responsibility to act. That’s what happened in Libya over the course of these last six weeks.

Libya sits directly between Tunisia and Egypt -– two nations that inspired the world when their people rose up to take control of their own destiny. For more than four decades, the Libyan people have been ruled by a tyrant -– Muammar Qaddafi. He has denied his people freedom, exploited their wealth, murdered opponents at home and abroad, and terrorized innocent people around the world –- including Americans who were killed by Libyan agents.

Last month, Qaddafi’s grip of fear appeared to give way to the promise of freedom. In cities and towns across the country, Libyans took to the streets to claim their basic human rights. As one Libyan said, “For the first time we finally have hope that our nightmare of 40 years will soon be over.”

Faced with this opposition, Qaddafi began attacking his people. As President, my immediate concern was the safety of our citizens, so we evacuated our embassy and all Americans who sought our assistance. Then we took a series of swift steps in a matter of days to answer Qaddafi’s aggression. We froze more than $33 billion of Qaddafi’s regime’s assets. Joining with other nations at the United Nations Security Council, we broadened our sanctions, imposed an arms embargo, and enabled Qaddafi and those around him to be held accountable for their crimes. I made it clear that Qaddafi had lost the confidence of his people and the legitimacy to lead, and I said that he needed to step down from power.

In the face of the world’s condemnation, Qaddafi chose to escalate his attacks, launching a military campaign against the Libyan people. Innocent people were targeted for killing. Hospitals and ambulances were attacked. Journalists were arrested, sexually assaulted, and killed. Supplies of food and fuel were choked off. Water for hundreds of thousands of people in Misurata was shut off. Cities and towns were shelled, mosques were destroyed, and apartment buildings reduced to rubble. Military jets and helicopter gunships were unleashed upon people who had no means to defend themselves against assaults from the air.

Confronted by this brutal repression and a looming humanitarian crisis, I ordered warships into the Mediterranean. European allies declared their willingness to commit resources to stop the killing. The Libyan opposition and the Arab League appealed to the world to save lives in Libya. And so at my direction, America led an effort with our allies at the United Nations Security Council to pass a historic resolution that authorized a no-fly zone to stop the regime’s attacks from the air, and further authorized all necessary measures to protect the Libyan people.

Ten days ago, having tried to end the violence without using force, the international community offered Qaddafi a final chance to stop his campaign of killing, or face the consequences. Rather than stand down, his forces continued their advance, bearing down on the city of Benghazi, home to nearly 700,000 men, women and children who sought their freedom from fear.

At this point, the United States and the world faced a choice. Qaddafi declared he would show “no mercy” to his own people. He compared them to rats, and threatened to go door to door to inflict punishment. In the past, we have seen him hang civilians in the streets, and kill over a thousand people in a single day. Now we saw regime forces on the outskirts of the city. We knew that if we wanted -- if we waited one more day, Benghazi, a city nearly the size of Charlotte, could suffer a massacre that would have reverberated across the region and stained the conscience of the world.

It was not in our national interest to let that happen. I refused to let that happen. And so nine days ago, after consulting the bipartisan leadership of Congress, I authorized military action to stop the killing and enforce U.N. Security Council Resolution 1973.

We struck regime forces approaching Benghazi to save that city and the people within it. We hit Qaddafi’s troops in neighboring Ajdabiya, allowing the opposition to drive them out. We hit Qaddafi’s air defenses, which paved the way for a no-fly zone. We targeted tanks and military assets that had been choking off towns and cities, and we cut off much of their source of supply. And tonight, I can report that we have stopped Qaddafi’s deadly advance.

In this effort, the United States has not acted alone. Instead, we have been joined by a strong and growing coalition. This includes our closest allies -– nations like the United Kingdom, France, Canada, Denmark, Norway, Italy, Spain, Greece, and Turkey –- all of whom have fought by our sides for decades. And it includes Arab partners like Qatar and the United Arab Emirates, who have chosen to meet their responsibilities to defend the Libyan people.

To summarize, then: In just one month, the United States has worked with our international partners to mobilize a broad coalition, secure an international mandate to protect civilians, stop an advancing army, prevent a massacre, and establish a no-fly zone with our allies and partners. To lend some perspective on how rapidly this military and diplomatic response came together, when people were being brutalized in Bosnia in the 1990s, it took the international community more than a year to intervene with air power to protect civilians. It took us 31 days.

Moreover, we’ve accomplished these objectives consistent with the pledge that I made to the American people at the outset of our military operations. I said that America’s role would be limited; that we would not put ground troops into Libya; that we would focus our unique capabilities on the front end of the operation and that we would transfer responsibility to our allies and partners. Tonight, we are fulfilling that pledge.

Our most effective alliance, NATO, has taken command of the enforcement of the arms embargo and the no-fly zone. Last night, NATO decided to take on the additional responsibility of protecting Libyan civilians. This transfer from the United States to NATO will take place on Wednesday. Going forward, the lead in enforcing the no-fly zone and protecting civilians on the ground will transition to our allies and partners, and I am fully confident that our coalition will keep the pressure on Qaddafi’s remaining forces.

In that effort, the United States will play a supporting role -- including intelligence, logistical support, search and rescue assistance, and capabilities to jam regime communications. Because of this transition to a broader, NATO-based coalition, the risk and cost of this operation -- to our military and to American taxpayers -- will be reduced significantly.

So for those who doubted our capacity to carry out this operation, I want to be clear: The United States of America has done what we said we would do.

That’s not to say that our work is complete. In addition to our NATO responsibilities, we will work with the international community to provide assistance to the people of Libya, who need food for the hungry and medical care for the wounded. We will safeguard the more than $33 billion that was frozen from the Qaddafi regime so that it’s available to rebuild Libya. After all, the money doesn’t belong to Qaddafi or to us -- it belongs to the Libyan people. And we’ll make sure they receive it.

Tomorrow, Secretary Clinton will go to London, where she will meet with the Libyan opposition and consult with more than 30 nations. These discussions will focus on what kind of political effort is necessary to pressure Qaddafi, while also supporting a transition to the future that the Libyan people deserve -- because while our military mission is narrowly focused on saving lives, we continue to pursue the broader goal of a Libya that belongs not to a dictator, but to its people.

Now, despite the success of our efforts over the past week, I know that some Americans continue to have questions about our efforts in Libya. Qaddafi has not yet stepped down from power, and until he does, Libya will remain dangerous. Moreover, even after Qaddafi does leave power, 40 years of tyranny has left Libya fractured and without strong civil institutions. The transition to a legitimate government that is responsive to the Libyan people will be a difficult task. And while the United States will do our part to help, it will be a task for the international community and –- more importantly –- a task for the Libyan people themselves.

In fact, much of the debate in Washington has put forward a false choice when it comes to Libya. On the one hand, some question why America should intervene at all -– even in limited ways –- in this distant land. They argue that there are many places in the world where innocent civilians face brutal violence at the hands of their government, and America should not be expected to police the world, particularly when we have so many pressing needs here at home.

It’s true that America cannot use our military wherever repression occurs. And given the costs and risks of intervention, we must always measure our interests against the need for action. But that cannot be an argument for never acting on behalf of what’s right. In this particular country -– Libya -- at this particular moment, we were faced with the prospect of violence on a horrific scale. We had a unique ability to stop that violence: an international mandate for action, a broad coalition prepared to join us, the support of Arab countries, and a plea for help from the Libyan people themselves. We also had the ability to stop Qaddafi’s forces in their tracks without putting American troops on the ground.

To brush aside America’s responsibility as a leader and -– more profoundly -– our responsibilities to our fellow human beings under such circumstances would have been a betrayal of who we are. Some nations may be able to turn a blind eye to atrocities in other countries. The United States of America is different. And as President, I refused to wait for the images of slaughter and mass graves before taking action.

Moreover, America has an important strategic interest in preventing Qaddafi from overrunning those who oppose him. A massacre would have driven thousands of additional refugees across Libya’s borders, putting enormous strains on the peaceful –- yet fragile -– transitions in Egypt and Tunisia. The democratic impulses that are dawning across the region would be eclipsed by the darkest form of dictatorship, as repressive leaders concluded that violence is the best strategy to cling to power. The writ of the United Nations Security Council would have been shown to be little more than empty words, crippling that institution’s future credibility to uphold global peace and security. So while I will never minimize the costs involved in military action, I am convinced that a failure to act in Libya would have carried a far greater price for America.

Now, just as there are those who have argued against intervention in Libya, there are others who have suggested that we broaden our military mission beyond the task of protecting the Libyan people, and do whatever it takes to bring down Qaddafi and usher in a new government.

Of course, there is no question that Libya -– and the world –- would be better off with Qaddafi out of power. I, along with many other world leaders, have embraced that goal, and will actively pursue it through non-military means. But broadening our military mission to include regime change would be a mistake.

The task that I assigned our forces -– to protect the Libyan people from immediate danger, and to establish a no-fly zone -– carries with it a U.N. mandate and international support. It’s also what the Libyan opposition asked us to do. If we tried to overthrow Qaddafi by force, our coalition would splinter. We would likely have to put U.S. troops on the ground to accomplish that mission, or risk killing many civilians from the air. The dangers faced by our men and women in uniform would be far greater. So would the costs and our share of the responsibility for what comes next.

To be blunt, we went down that road in Iraq. Thanks to the extraordinary sacrifices of our troops and the determination of our diplomats, we are hopeful about Iraq’s future. But regime change there took eight years, thousands of American and Iraqi lives, and nearly a trillion dollars. That is not something we can afford to repeat in Libya.

As the bulk of our military effort ratchets down, what we can do -- and will do -- is support the aspirations of the Libyan people. We have intervened to stop a massacre, and we will work with our allies and partners to maintain the safety of civilians. We will deny the regime arms, cut off its supplies of cash, assist the opposition, and work with other nations to hasten the day when Qaddafi leaves power. It may not happen overnight, as a badly weakened Qaddafi tries desperately to hang on to power. But it should be clear to those around Qaddafi, and to every Libyan, that history is not on Qaddafi’s side. With the time and space that we have provided for the Libyan people, they will be able to determine their own destiny, and that is how it should be.

Let me close by addressing what this action says about the use of America’s military power, and America’s broader leadership in the world, under my presidency.

As Commander-in-Chief, I have no greater responsibility than keeping this country safe. And no decision weighs on me more than when to deploy our men and women in uniform. I’ve made it clear that I will never hesitate to use our military swiftly, decisively, and unilaterally when necessary to defend our people, our homeland, our allies and our core interests. That's why we’re going after al Qaeda wherever they seek a foothold. That is why we continue to fight in Afghanistan, even as we have ended our combat mission in Iraq and removed more than 100,000 troops from that country.

There will be times, though, when our safety is not directly threatened, but our interests and our values are. Sometimes, the course of history poses challenges that threaten our common humanity and our common security -– responding to natural disasters, for example; or preventing genocide and keeping the peace; ensuring regional security, and maintaining the flow of commerce. These may not be America’s problems alone, but they are important to us. They’re problems worth solving. And in these circumstances, we know that the United States, as the world’s most powerful nation, will often be called upon to help.

In such cases, we should not be afraid to act -– but the burden of action should not be America’s alone. As we have in Libya, our task is instead to mobilize the international community for collective action. Because contrary to the claims of some, American leadership is not simply a matter of going it alone and bearing all of the burden ourselves. Real leadership creates the conditions and coalitions for others to step up as well; to work with allies and partners so that they bear their share of the burden and pay their share of the costs; and to see that the principles of justice and human dignity are upheld by all.

That’s the kind of leadership we’ve shown in Libya. Of course, even when we act as part of a coalition, the risks of any military action will be high. Those risks were realized when one of our planes malfunctioned over Libya. Yet when one of our airmen parachuted to the ground, in a country whose leader has so often demonized the United States –- in a region that has such a difficult history with our country –- this American did not find enemies. Instead, he was met by people who embraced him. One young Libyan who came to his aid said, “We are your friends. We are so grateful to those men who are protecting the skies.”

This voice is just one of many in a region where a new generation is refusing to be denied their rights and opportunities any longer.

Yes, this change will make the world more complicated for a time. Progress will be uneven, and change will come differently to different countries. There are places, like Egypt, where this change will inspire us and raise our hopes. And then there will be places, like Iran, where change is fiercely suppressed. The dark forces of civil conflict and sectarian war will have to be averted, and difficult political and economic concerns will have to be addressed.

The United States will not be able to dictate the pace and scope of this change. Only the people of the region can do that. But we can make a difference.

I believe that this movement of change cannot be turned back, and that we must stand alongside those who believe in the same core principles that have guided us through many storms: our opposition to violence directed at one’s own people; our support for a set of universal rights, including the freedom for people to express themselves and choose their leaders; our support for governments that are ultimately responsive to the aspirations of the people.

Born, as we are, out of a revolution by those who longed to be free, we welcome the fact that history is on the move in the Middle East and North Africa, and that young people are leading the way. Because wherever people long to be free, they will find a friend in the United States. Ultimately, it is that faith -- those ideals -- that are the true measure of American leadership.

My fellow Americans, I know that at a time of upheaval overseas -- when the news is filled with conflict and change -- it can be tempting to turn away from the world. And as I’ve said before, our strength abroad is anchored in our strength here at home. That must always be our North Star -- the ability of our people to reach their potential, to make wise choices with our resources, to enlarge the prosperity that serves as a wellspring for our power, and to live the values that we hold so dear.

But let us also remember that for generations, we have done the hard work of protecting our own people, as well as millions around the globe. We have done so because we know that our own future is safer, our own future is brighter, if more of mankind can live with the bright light of freedom and dignity.

Tonight, let us give thanks for the Americans who are serving through these trying times, and the coalition that is carrying our effort forward. And let us look to the future with confidence and hope not only for our own country, but for all those yearning for freedom around the world.

Thank you. God bless you, and may God bless the United States of America. (Applause.) Thank you.

END 7:58 P.M. EDT


Photo source: The White House
Permission:
The White House